In 1994, Mexico's Ejército Zapatista de Liberación Naciónal (EZLN) commanded international attention by seizing the government buildings in Ocosingo, Las Margaritas, and San Cristóbal de las Casas, Chiapas. Their forward-thinking political agenda, as well as their Internet-savvy and postmodern self-awareness, appealed to the international community and brought the struggles of Mexico's indigenous communities to the forefront of the world's consciousness. Since the dissolution of peace talks in 1996, press coverage of the EZLN has slowly diminished. Tight military occupation in the eastern regions of the state contained the rebel army in the remote Lacandón jungle, preventing the flow of information from the Zapatistas to the press and depriving the adoring public of witty quips by EZLN leader and media darling, Subcomandante Marcos. Though the silence of the Zapatista army should have alarmed their sympathizers, the cliché followed: out of sight, out of mind.

Last Saturday, the EZLN marched into San Cristóbal de las Casas again, this time unarmed. The tiny mountain town was flooded with television cameras, tourists, human rights activists, and journalists, illustrating once again that nothing captures the romantic imagination like a revolutionary army. San Cristóbal hosted the inaugural event of the Marcha Zapatista, the first major EZLN mobilization since the San Andres Accords. Over the course of the next two weeks, a caravan of twenty-three unarmed comandantes and one subcomandante will be making a slow journey from the Lacandón jungle to the capital city, where they will reinitiate peace talks with the Mexican Congress. En route, they are stopping to speak in numerous prominent cities, as well as to participate in the National Indigenous Congress in Moreles.

In anticipation of the Zapatistas' afternoon arrival, the atmosphere in San Cristóbal was undeniably optimistic. In the center of town, merry bands of hippies sat amidst a small contingent of masked Zapatistas. Groups of friends and families lined the streets, waiting to greet the caravan with cameras in hand. Folk singers performed while young people milled around in Marcos T-shirts, buying food from street vendors. At moments, the town appeared to be awaiting the arrival of the Grateful Dead instead of an army of revolutionaries. But the Marcha Zapatista is not an international love-in. By evening, the crowd in San Cristóbal swelled to ten thousand; however, the mood dropped from spirited to somber, as the arrival of the Zapatistas was stalled for hours and rumors of security problems circulated. When they finally arrived, the trucks of rebel soldiers were greeted not by cheers, but by charged silence. In addition to the delegation of twenty-four, onlookers waited as hundreds of masked Zapatistas streamed from the back of truck beds into the center of town. It was 10 P.M. by the time the EZLN delegation took the stage. As the Sub delivered an uncharacteristically somber speech about the Zapatistas' ongoing commitment to justice and peace, the civilian crowd stood cheek to jowl with the masked rebels.

The alternately jovial and tense response in San Cristóbal on Saturday speaks to the uncertainty surrounding the EZLN's reemergence and the possible peril of the upcoming events. In the past few weeks, there has been an increasing tension in the communiqués between the EZLN and the Mexican government. To date, the Zapatistas have not agreed to meet with Mexico's new president Vincente Fox. Though Fox once said he would solve the Zapatista problem in fifteen minutes, he has yet to meet the EZLN's three demands for discourse, which are the release of all remaining Zapatista prisoners, the removal of all military bases from Chiapas, and the inclusion of indigenous rights in the constitution.

In addition, safety has become a primary concern for the EZLN delegates, considering the prominent anti-Zapatista sentiments in Mexico and current assassination threats against Subcomandante Marcos. A few days before the march was due to commence, the International Red Cross, which was expected to accompany the Zapatistas on their national tour, announced that they would not ride with the EZLN. Subcomandante Marcos has publicly blamed Vincente Fox for the Red Cross's rejection of the Zapatistas' request for protection.

It is impossible to predict the outcome of the peace talks and the Marcha Zapatista, and sympathizers can only hope that the next chapter in their struggles will proceed peacefully. Though they are marching without arms, the EZLN never won political battles with weapons, but with visibility. Since 1994, the EZLN fostered a strong base of national and international support through an appealing and modern political platform, an Internet campaign, and press-friendly, charismatic leadership. The Marcha Zapatista is not just a march for peace, but a march for press.